http://revista-amauta.org/2010/11/muertos-vivos-la-estrategia-de-shell-cuando-se-la-acusa-de-asesinato/
Publicado el: Sábado, 27 de noviembre del 2010.
Documentos secretos de la compañía anglo holandesa Shell filtrados a la prensa revelan su estrategia “de manejo de crisis” enseguida de ser acusada por el asesinato del activista nigeriano Ken Saro Wiwa en 1995. Los planes de Shell para influenciar a los medios de comunicación, especialmente a la cadena británica BBC, y dividir a las organizaciones no gubernamentales, acaban de ver la luz.
Los archivos de Shell, difundidos por el diario británico The Guardian describen su estrategia y plan de acción. Fueron acordados por altos ejecutivos en una reunión secreta en la ciudad inglesa de Ascot en enero de 1996. Allí se analizó incluso el retiro de Nigeria y el cambio de nombre de la compañía a “Nueva Shell”, para contrarrestar la “mala publicidad” de ese momento. Los documentos eran altamente confidenciales, hasta ahora.
Ken Saro Wiwa fue uno de los activistas asesinados por la dictadura nigeriana en 1995, fue colgado el 10 de noviembre de ese año. Era un poeta reconocido, fundador en 1990 del Movimiento para la Supervivencia del Pueblo Ogoni, que se creó para protestar contra la contaminación de las petroleras en los territorios de la etnia ogoni en la zona del Delta del Níger.
Los derrames petroleros y la quema de gas en Nigeria, especialmente a manos de Shell, son hasta el día de hoy de las mayores demostraciones de contaminación ambiental a nivel mundial.
Saro-Wiwa encabezó las protestas y fue el portavoz de la resistencia, por lo que fue perseguido y arrestado en varias ocasiones, hasta que el régimen lo condenó a morir en la horca bajo cargos falsos de asesinato, con un proceso legal que no le permitió defenderse.
Shell fue señalada como cómplice de la dictadura nigeriana en el ajusticiamiento y acusada desde varios sectores, con apoyo de organizaciones internacionales. De hecho, con el tiempo, los familiares de los activistas asesinados en 1995 hicieron un juicio contra la empresa, que en junio de 2009 fue forzada a pagar 15,5 millones de dólares de indemnización. Luego, a mediados de 2010, Shell rechazó dar nueva información sobre las fugas petroleras de sus oleoductos en el Delta del Níger.
Según revela The Guardian, los documentos secretos de Shell de 1996 presentan una táctica de “divide y reinarás”, para trabajar con algunos sectores que cuestionaban a la empresa y aislar a otros. Los archivos hablan de “creación de coaliciones, aislamiento de la oposición y cambio del debate”.
Body Shop, Greenpeace y Amigos de la Tierra fueron identificadas por Shell como organizaciones que difícilmente cambiarían de parecer. Para enfrentarlas, la táctica propuesta fue “desafiar los fundamentos sobre los que gestan su campaña contra Shell, para que les sea más difícil poder mantenerlos”. Las organizaciones de derechos humanos como Amnistía Internacional y Human Rights Watch fueron consideradas por la petrolera como más fáciles de persuadir. El documento sugiere una relación más cercana con esas entidades.
Con respecto a la prensa, los archivos de 1996 de Shell lamentan de que los medios de comunicación difundieran tanto las posturas de los grupos de presión. Proponen, a cambio, pujar por una cobertura que muestre “la otra versión de los hechos/asuntos”. Shell especifica los medios con los que trabajar. Dice que ya se habían establecido relaciones estables con los diarios británicos Financial Times, Daily Telegraph, Times y The Independent.
Hay una mención especial a la BBC. Uno de los documentos señala que las relaciones con el servicio mundial de esa cadena informativa están “subdesarrolladas”. Por eso Shell establece: “nosotros identificaremos y cultivaremos (la relación con) el staff editorial y la gerencia a través de un programa de contacto”. Y propone “construir el vínculo” con la periodista Hilary Andersson, que se había convertido en la corresponsal de la BBC en Lagos, una de las más importantes ciudades nigerianas.
La lucha de Ken Saro Wiwa parece no terminar. A 15 años de su muerte sigue dando trabajo a Shell. Antes de su asesinato, desde la cárcel, había escrito un alegato de defensa que fue silenciado por la dictadura: “Profundamente convencido de mi inocencia frente a los falsos cargos de los que me acusan, hago un llamamiento al pueblo ogoni, a los pueblos del Delta del Níger y a las minorías oprimidas de Nigeria para que se levanten y luchen pacíficamente por sus derechos. Dios y la historia están de su lado”, decía parte del texto.
NGOs and BBC targeted by Shell PR machine in wake of Saro-Wiwa death
Secret documents reveal the oil giant's crisis management strategy following the execution of the Nigerian activist
Secret internal company documents from the oil giant Shell show that in the immediate aftermath of the execution of the Nigerian activist and writer Ken Saro-Wiwa it adopted a PR strategy of cosying up to key BBC editors and singling out NGOs that it hoped to "sway".
The documents offer a previously hidden insight into efforts by the company to deflect the PR storm that engulfed it after the Nigerian activist was hanged by the country's military government. Shell faced accusations that it had colluded with the government over the activists' deaths.
In June last year, the company paid $15.5m to settle a legal action over the deaths in a federal court in New York without admitting liability. It was one of the largest payouts agreed by a multinational corporation charged with human rights violations.
The documents – which were part of this legal case but were never made public – describe the company's "crisis management strategy and plan". This was finalised by Shell's senior executives at a secret meeting in Ascot in January 1996, two months after Saro-Wiwa's death. The strategy was described as "most confidential".
In a similar move to Tony Blair's re-branding of the Labour party, the executives considered renaming the oil company "New Shell" in an effort to shake off some of the recent bad publicity.
Saro-Wiwa had been a vocal critic of Shell's activities in the Niger Delta and of the Nigerian military government. His hanging 15 years ago on 10 November 1995 prompted international outrage and a public backlash against Shell. The executions led to Nigeria's suspension from the Commonwealth for three years.
The company's "crisis plan" focused on what the documents refer to as "the message" and getting the "style, tone, content and timing right, reflecting greater humanity". Philip Watts, who would later become Shell chairman, emphasised that everyone must "sing to the same 'hymn sheet'."
The documents outline a tactic of divide and rule, where Shell planned to work with some of its critics but isolate others. Under the "occupying new ground" scenario, the document detail how Shell would "create coalitions, isolate the opposition and shift the debate."
Dividing NGOs into friends and foes, Shell emphasised the need to "work with [and] sway 'middle of the road' activists". The Body Shop, Greenpeace and Friends of the Earth were seen as unlikely to change their position. One suggested tactic to counter these organisations was to "challenge [the] basis on which they continue their campaign against Shell in order to make it more difficult for them to sustain it". Human rights organisations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch were seen as more easily persuaded. The document suggests building relationships with the organisations and encouraging "buy-in to the complexity of the issue".
Another key group Shell was interested in winning over was the press. The documents complain that the media was too willing to report the views of pressure groups. It wanted to generate media coverage showing " 'the other version' of events/issues". Other company documents identified which media outlets would be targeted. It said that "stable relationships" had already been established with the Financial Times, Daily Telegraph, Times, and the Independent.
The BBC was one of the organisations singled out by Shell's PR department. One of the documents reveal that "relationships are underdeveloped" with the BBC World Service. It continues: "We will identify and cultivate important editorial and senior management staff through a contact programme." In particular they wanted to "build a relationship" with journalist Hilary Andersson, who had recently become the BBC's Lagos correspondent, as well as "any of her known contacts in the divisions".
The documents also noted that "showing progress with the 'greening of Shell Nigeria'" was "strategically critical" after Saro-Wiwa's death. Although elsewhere, the documents acknowledge that the strategy may not be seen as genuine. "Our present communications strategy could be construed as green imagery" the authors wrote.
To improve its green image, the company had to counter accusations of "environmental devastation", so Shell planned to produce a video "to publicise successes" and "to turn the negative tide". The most important topic to be included in the film was "oil spills generally, focusing on sabotage." This would have had the effect of playing up the impact of illegal activity in causing oil spill pollution in the delta, but in another document, the head of Shell Nigeria, N A Achebe, had acknowledged internally that "the majority of incidents arise from operational failures".
The documents even reveal that Shell discussed whether it should stay in the country in the wake of Saro-Wiwa's death. One scenario was called "milking the cow", whereas the "pull-out" scenario was seen as "giving in" or "caving in" which would set a "very negative precedent for the group". Another reason for not leaving was that "issues of liability will not disappear even with a total withdrawal."
A spokesperson said that the company's environmental record had improved greatly in recent years. "The total number of spills in 2009 was 132, against the average between 2005 and 2009 of 175 per year. Thieves or saboteurs spilled about 103,000 barrels from [Shell Petroleum Development Company] facilities in 95 incidents – an average of one spill every four days. This accounted for almost 98% of the volume of oil spilled during the year." The company declined to comment on its PR strategy in 1995.
The spokesperson continued: "Whatever the cause, SPDC is committed to stopping and containing all spills, recovering and cleaning up as much oil as it can and restoring sites in compliance with regulations."
But Nnimmo Bassey, Executive Director of Environmental Rights Action and chair of Friends of the Earth International said the company had not changed and were still not doing enough to help local people in the Niger Delta. "Internationally they polish their image. The claims they make in the international areas, do not stand scrutiny on the ground."
• This article was amended on 11 November 2010. The original referred to a secret meeting in Ascot in January 1995. This has been corrected.
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